The Bathurst War and martial law in 1824

This post is based on a talk I delivered at the Dhuluny Conference at Charles Sturt University in August 2024. Dhuluny (pronounced Dhu-loin) was a series of truth-telling events commemorating the 200th anniversary of the declaration of martial law in the Bathurst region in August 1824. The declaration was in response to resistance warfare by Wiradyuri people that I explore in detail in the book Gudyarra: The First Wiradyuri War of Resistance – The Bathurst War 1822-1824.

The Bathurst Plains

‘Country of very great Fertility’

When the Deputy Surveyor of Lands of the Colony of New South Wales George William Evans returned to Sydney in early 1814 from a trip across the Blue Mountains he was most enthusiastic about what he called the Bathurst Plains. It was such important country he believed it deserved important names – Lord Bathurst was the British Secretary for War and the Colonies. The King of England and Governor Macquarie also had plains named after them, and Queen Charlotte a sweeping valley.

Evans was much impressed with the fishing as well. While the grasslands were promising and there were kangaroos and other ‘game in abundance’, Evans wrote in his journal; ‘Nothing astonished me more than the amazing large Fish that are caught.’ The abundance of fish was a sure sign this was a ‘Country of very great Fertility’, as Governor Macquarie was to note. For a colony that had been hemmed in by the ring of mountains around Sydney for over 20 years, this was most important news.

Surveyor Evans had entered the northeastern edge of the great Wiradyuri nation. Wiradyuri Country extended through the Central West and far to the southwest. It is often called the ‘Country of three rivers’ – the Bila Wambuul (Macquarie), Galari (Lachlan) and the Marrambidya (Murrumbidgee). Over 10,000 people had lived here for tens of thousands of years. They were the ones who had farmed and tended the plains and managed the fish stocks. The early Europeans such as Evans thought it was a natural landscape – they had no idea of how Wiradyuri cared for their Country, how these ‘fine plains’ were tended by fire management practices, how rivers were cared for, how fields of yams and other plants were farmed. The colonists only saw fine grazing lands for sheep and cattle.

At first, the colonists were welcomed. They brought with them new goods. They were only a handful of people – between 100 to 300 colonists for the first few years, mostly convicts confined to the settlement.  The tiny township of Bathurst was a mere pin prick inside the vast Wiradyuri nation. When Governor Lachlan Macquarie toured the Bathurst Plains in 1815 he met with several people who were very curious to see the Governor and his entourage. Among them was a young warrior named Wiinymaldhaany (Wiindhuraydhine, or Windradyne, ‘Fire-maker’). Windradyne, as he is widely known today, was to have a prominent role to play in coming years.

After seeing Wiradyuri Country for himself, the Governor ordered a settlement established. At first, he attempted to limit the expansion of the overstretched colony, but pressure soon grew from settlers keen to take sheep and cattle across to the grasslands.

The Governor well knew the importance of Bathurst to the ‘future prosperity of the Country’. When conflict broke out with Aboriginal people in the Sydney region between 1814 and 1816, Governor Macquarie ordered the largest military campaign then seen in the colony. Three strong detachments of infantry roamed the Nepean River and southern region of Dharawal and Gandangarra Country, before crushing Aboriginal resistance at the Appin Massacre in April 1816.

Importantly, Macquarie also ordered a strong detachment to guard the road to Bathurst. Sergeant Jeremiah Murphy was ordered out with a detachment of soldiers to defend the road and escort all government movements across it. When a government provision depot at Glenroy was attacked, Murphy was sent there at once. Sergeant Murphy, with a corporal and fifteen privates was instructed to establish garrisons at Blaxland, Springwood, near Blackheath and on the Cox’s River. They were to ‘afford protection’ to the government stock and ‘keep open communication’ between Sydney and Bathurst. If they met any warriors, Murphy was given orders ‘to fire upon them and take as many prisoners’ as he could.

For a brief period, today’s Great Western Highway across the Blue Mountains was a military road. When the resistance around Sydney had been quashed, the garrisons remained stationed along the road for several years after. The Governor had kept the thin line of communication with the important settlement at Bathurst open.

From 1815 to 1821, the tiny settlement of Bathurst had posed little threat to the lands and waters of the vast Wiradyuri nation. As Wiradyuri Elder Aunty Mary Coe notef in her book Windradyne – A Wiradjuri Koorie, ‘as long as the whites did not interfere in their lives they [Wiradyuri] would be prepared to share part of the land with them as they had always shared and exchanged with people who were guests on their lands.’ But now, settlers desperately wanted to send their sheep and cattle across the mountains. In late 1819 Commissioner John Thomas Bigge was sent to inquire into Governor Macquarie’s policies. Bigge strongly recommended opening up the ‘New Country’ west of the Blue Mountains to further settlement. In November 1821 governor Sir Thomas Brisbane followed directions from Bigge’s report and offered 200 ‘tickets of occupation.’ Within three years the Brisbane administration had granted such tickets or leases to over 100,000 acres of Wiradyuri land.

Soon, the colonists whose names adorn the street signs of Bathurst today began to arrive; Ranken, Hawkins, Street, Icely, Stewart, Piper, Steel and Wall. When George Ranken emigrated to New South Wales he was advised to direct his attention toward sheep farming. It was good, profitable advice. By April 1822 Ranken had fixed upon his intention to ‘take a run [sheep station] beyond the Blue Mountains’ as the country there ‘pleased him so much.’ George could hardly have predicted that within two years he would be defending his ‘run’ as part of a military column in pursuit of people he described as ‘enemies’.

By early 1822, conflict across the Bathurst region was escalating. The Commandant of the settlement William Lawson had an outstation at ‘Dirty Swamp’ near present-day Locksley. In March, Lawson’s hut-keeper William Mowbray was killed and a stockworker Charles Hatt wounded. Lawson believed his men had provoked the attack and he didn’t pursue the matter. But an uneasy situation had developed around Bathurst. There had been few instances of conflict since 1815. Now, there had been several attacks and growing numbers of sheep and cattle were being speared.

‘The stockmen hunt them and the cattle and sheep supplant them.’

Between 1821 and 1825 the number of cattle in the district increased from around 6,000 to 22,000. Sheep numbers rose form 27,000 to an incredible 92,000. In 1822 alone, sheep increased by ten thousand lambs. So too, people were arriving in Bathurst in numbers – between 1822 and 1823 the white population increased from 392 to 708.

In October 1822, one of the colony’s leading officials, Judge Barron Field, could see an impending crisis – there were no kangaroos to be seen anywhere near Bathurst. As he said, ‘the stockmen hunt them and the cattle and sheep supplant them.’ He noted that all that was left for the Wiradyuri were possums and fish. By 1823, for Wiradyuri people, the choice between continuing to try and find ways to live with this new world, or resisting it, was becoming starker.

Conflict erupted in a series of raids and skirmishes across the entire Central West region. As occurred right across the Australian Frontier Wars, warriors began what the Europeans understood as guerilla war. This involved attacking the colonists’ sheep and cattle and targeting stockmen on the isolated sheep runs and outstations.

The fertile Kings Plains area to the south of Bathurst was a meeting place along the route travelled by many Wiradjuri and other groups coming from the south towards the Bathurst Plains for ceremonial and food-sharing events. The route ultimately led to the Southern Alps, with Aboriginal people travelling hundreds of kilometres to feast on the bogong moths that migrated there each year.

Around the spring-fed headwaters of the Belubula River, combined hunting parties herded kangaroo with grass fires, and women netted the birds that were attracted to the permanent water supply. The Belubula springs area is still recognised today by Wiradjuri people today as an important site.

In August 1823, at John Wylde’s ‘further Station’ at Kings Plains, stockman Henry Alsop was armed but alone in a hut when, according to Wylde’s overseer Andrew Dunn, a group of Wiradjuri approached. They suddenly attacked Alsop, who was ‘cut in a most shocking manner’. Then, ‘one of the natives got the loaded Gun, which was discharged’. After a ‘general severe affray’ two more stockmen turned up and when ‘one of the blacks was shot dead on the spot’ the rest retreated.

The stockworkers were spooked. They ‘deserted the station altogether the better to defend themselves.’ According to overseer Dunn, the men expected two or three hundred warriors ‘to come down upon them and kill every one of them’.

Image: Night attack of the native near Lake Hope, Ebenezer and David Syme, Melbourne, 1866, State Library of Victoria.

‘Murra gerund white fellows’

The Wiradyuri were certainly on the offensive. Stockman Henry Alsop reported that when he saw ‘a number of natives a little distance off’ they ‘shouted out “murra gerund white fellows”’. Alsop was with a Wiradyuri man known as ‘Scrammy’ who would have been able to translate this to him as ‘tumble down (die or kill) white fellows.’

The message to the Europeans was now clear – the Wiradjuri wanted to destroy not just cattle and sheep, but white men too. In November 1823, Wiradjuri attacks had effectively stalled the expansion of the government stock stations and had forced the abandonment of others. Stockmen were, as William Lawson wrote, ‘intimidated and would not leave their huts to round up the cattle and bring them in without protection’.

Warriors around Kings Plains were gathering in numbers. Overseer Dunn reported that ‘the land is covered with them and they are so pent for war that the men are obliged to stay in the huts to save their lives’. Right across the outstations to the southwest of Bathurst, by late 1823, Wiradjuri people had reasserted control over their lands.

In 1824, Wiradjuri tactics shifted to a new level of aggression. Threats to ‘tumble down white man’ were carried out in a series of raids and attacks. William Lawson noted how suddenly, people stopped coming into the township and broke off all contact with the Europeans. It was clear that total war or gudyarra, had been declared.

Gudyarra (war) on the Bathurst Plains

Two events may have pushed the Wiradyuri into all out war. At what was later known as ‘Murdering Hut’, poisoned damper was left out for Wiradyuri people. Closer to town, on the fields of ex-convict Antonio Roderigo that once grew murrnong or native yams and now grew potatoes, a number of people were gunned down. When a group of Wiradyuri decided to take some potatoes without Roderigo’s permission, he ‘roused the people of the settlement [and] they rushed down and attacked the blacks, some of whom were killed and others maimed.’ Simply for taking potatoes.

The people who died in the Bathurst Massacre were some of the young warrior Windradyne’s family. In late May, Windradyne led a rampage of death and destruction across the north of Bathurst. At the stations ‘Mill Post’, ‘Warren-Gunyah’ and ‘Millah-Murrah’, Windradyne and his warriors burnt down huts, destroyed stock, took firearms, and killed several station workers.

In coordinated attacks across the region, to the south of Bathurst on O’Connell Plains, more stockmen were killed and hundreds of sheep speared, driven off and captured. We can only imagine the terror setting in. To add to this, in early June, the townspeople of Bathurst watched a cart trundle down the main street piled high with the bodies of seven dead white men.

It was at this point, people at Bathurst turned to their own kind of warfare. As ex-sergeant Tom Miller later recalled, he ‘received orders to form a party to hunt down the blacks.’  With ‘about twenty men’, Miller said he ‘went out and shot and killed any they came across, little and big, young and old shared the same fate.’

We know few other details about how these massacre parties went about their work. One such killing spree at ‘8 mile swamp’ on the O’Connell Road was investigated and Commandant James Morriset sent five men to Sydney for trial. But no one was found guilty for the killing of three defenceless Wiradyuri women.

Image: Pencil Sketch by Thomas Domville-Taylor, from the Patty Ffoulkes Scrapbook, 1840-1844, National Library of Australia. This is a rare first-hand sketch of an attack by armed settlers on Aboriginal people.  

‘Destroy the natives before them’

By July 1824, 13 white men had been killed. We can only estimate the number of Wiradyuri people who had died – one of the few humane settlers in the district George Suttor believed ‘at least 70’. This was irrelevant to the pastoralist and graziers in Sydney whose flocks and herds were being decimated and whose stockmen were being killed and refusing to work. They demanded action.

One of the most vocal was William Cox. The famous Blue Mountains road builder now turned wealthy pastoralist called for a huge extended line of soldiers and armed men to sweep across the entire region and ‘destroy the natives before them.’ While this didn’t happen, it was famously later resorted to in Tasmania in 1830 – later known as the ‘Black Line.’

Governor Brisbane was under intense pressure. The new economic heart of the entire colony – sheep grazing – was under threat as warriors continued to press their attacks across the region. The Sydney Gazette newspaper reported that they appeared to be ‘combining together and moving in larger numbers’ and in one skirmish were in fact left ‘the masters of the battlefield.’

A voice of reason was the Attorney General Saxe Bannister. He asked how the colonists ‘could approve of their own conduct, in having first invaded their [Wiradyuri] land and deprived them of their subsistence?’ Bannister believed that ‘no difference existed between individuals, whether black or white’ and the same laws applied equally. Remarkably, he even called for a halt to the colonisation of Aboriginal lands and to make ‘reparations.’

But his was a voice in the wind. The colonists demanded military action. On August 14 1824, what Bannister thought would be a compromise, was announced – a declaration of martial law west of the Blue Mountains. Perhaps, as Bannister later wrote, this would control the bloodshed on both sides of the conflict. Bannister later said that it was he who convinced Governor Brisbane to choose martial law as a way to placate the pastoralists, make a show of force against the Wiradyuri, and control the settler reprisal killings. It remains unclear which if any of these martial law actually achieved.

Image: The Governor attending the annual meeting of the First Australians at Parramatta, New South Wales, Augustus Earle, c. 1826, National Library of Australia

‘To make a general peace’

The military garrison at Bathurst was reinforced and Major Morriset headed up three columns of soldiers in a vast sweep of country around Bathurst. While they found no warriors, the attacks soon ceased. A powerful show of military force seems to have done the trick. Whether after the declaration of martial law the settlers such as Tom Miller were still operating their massacre parties is unclear. The Gazette newspaper noted in October that ‘Bathurst is engaged in an exterminating war.’ By November however, the Governor could report the region was quiet.

In December, Windradyne had not been defeated, but the situation had become impossible. He led a large group of Wiradyuri to the Governor’s annual feast for Aboriginal people at Parramatta, as Saxe Bannister said ‘to make a general peace.’ The Wiradyuri received food and blankets and were allowed to return to their homelands unmolested. No treaty was signed, no agreement made. The colonists merely picked up from where they had left off and continued to take more and more Wiradyuri Country for grazing their sheep and cattle.

The threat to Bathurst was over. But the fact that colonists at Bathurst resorted to massacres highlights their fear and desperation. We must not forget that, as the eminent late historian Lyndall Ryan noted, ‘the act of massacre is not so much an expression of power by a strong regime or a strong group of people, but an expression of a position of weakness.’

And we must not forget the widespread, coordinated and incredibly skilful resistance conducted by Wiradyuri people against the colonial juggernaut of sheep, cattle, horses and armed men that was rolling across their Country. They dug in deep, hit the colonists hard and frightened them into tactics of shock, awe and terror. Windradyne led them, undefeated, to obtain some kind of peace settlement. This is the kind of heroic resistance that needs equal commemoration alongside Australia’s other wars.

Yindyamarra

I pay thanks and my respects to the Bathurst Elders, in particular Uncle Yanha, Aunty Wirribi and Uncle Dinawan. I thank them for the invitation to talk at the Dhuluny Conference in August 2024 and for their guidance over recent years in writing about these difficult but important histories.

References and sources for this post can be found in the book Gudyarra: The First Wiradyuri War of Resistance – The Bathurst War 1822-1824.

A thin red line across the Blue Mountains: Governor Macquarie and the military campaigns of 1816

For two violent years between 1814 and 1816 the so-called ‘Wild Mountains Natives’, mostly Gandangarra people, were seen by the Sydney colonists as a major threat. Their raids on the fringes of the Cumberland Plain were regular and at times deadly. There were reports they would ally with the Dharawal warriors and attack the settlements, and ‘murder all the white people before them’. Gandangarra warriors had been seen in warbands of several hundred and settlers had been forced to flee outlying farms for the safety of townships.

After the Battle at Razorback in March 1816 where a scratch militia force under the command of the Bringelly Magistrate Robert Lowe had been defeated in open battle, and after increasing numbers of settlers’ deaths at the hands of warriors, Governor Lachlan Macquarie decided to act.

Historians have long emphasised the fact that Macquarie was the first Governor of New South Wales who had an army rather than navy background, and have seen this as part of his methodical and clinical approach to the sweeping campaigns of 1816, designed to ‘Strike them (Sydney Aboriginal people) with Terror’. But what particular military experience did Macquarie bring to the colony? And did this have any bearing on what was essentially guerrilla warfare in 1816? There has been little attention paid to the influence Macquarie’s field and campaign experience may have had on warfare in the Sydney region and there has been no real interrogation of his – and others in his circle – motivations for the largest military campaign in the early colony.

An old soldier

Before the dire situation of 1816, Macquarie had travelled by coach and horses across the Blue Mountains to inspect the ‘New Discovered Country’ of the Wiradjuri lands around Bathurst. In his journal and his reports back to the authorities in England he waxed lyrical about the grasslands of the Bathurst Plains. This ‘rich, fertile country’ was, he believed, critical to the expansion of the colony beyond the Sydney basin that it had been trapped in for so long.

So Macquarie certainly had a good first-hand knowledge of the long and isolated route of William Cox’s newly built road over the mountains, and would have well understood its vulnerabilities. Perhaps he was reminded of the road from the Malabar Cost to Mysore in India. This road up and over the Western Ghats via the Poodicherum Pass was a significant physical challenge (and remains so today, popular with trekkers and mountain bikers). Macquarie had traversed this road three times (in 1791, 1792 and 1799) and had also campaigned in the Western Ghats against the Pazhassi Raja (aka Kerala Varma) in 1797.

This campaign of guerrilla warfare prior to the defeat of Tipu Sultan had dragged on from 1793-1805. British forces stretched out along the narrow, jungle covered mountain roads were always vulnerable. The similarities between the new road across the rugged Blue Mountains and the road from the Malabar Coast to Mysore may well have influenced Macquarie’s decision in April 1816 to send a detachment under Sergeant Jeremiah Murphy to defend the road and escort all government movements across it. (The Sydney Wars, 243-4)

The Western Ghats in Kerala. ‘View to the west, of Sispara bungalow and Sispara peak across the stream in Sispara pass from the Sispara ghat trail’, Lithograph after Stephen Ponsonby Peacocke, 1847 (details)

By 1797 Macquarie had made his way through the ranks of the British Army in India to the position of Brevet Major. He had seen action in regular warfare at the siege of Cochin in 1795 and the capture of Colombo and Point de Galle in 1796. In April 1797 he heard news that Governor Jonathan Duncan and Lieutenant General Stuart were in Tellicherry preparing for a military campaign against the Pyché Rajah in the Cottiote region of the Malabar Coast. Macquarie immediately volunteered for active service and was given command of the Advance Guard of 700 men, made up of four companies of the 77th Regiment and a battalion of the 3rd Native Infantry Regiment. Macquarie recorded his experiences during the campaign for the three-week period from 3-22 May, 1797. On May 9 Macquarie led his Advance guard out from Kydree and as he wrote in his journal:

… we marched on for about an Hour, through very close Jungle, and occasionally through Batty Fields, without meeting with any molestation, until we entered a narrow Pass that led through remarkable thick Jungle and rough broken Ground full of Ravines, Rocks and Banks that afforded excellent cover for the Enemy. 

It was in this pass that the British ‘convoys were afterwards so severely attacked and annoyed by the Enemy’ and Macquarie went through several days of skirmishing with forces who were ‘no sooner Dislodged from one set of Rocks and Banks than they occupied others at a distance to annoy us from with this teasing and galling Fire’. Macquarie led his men in charging ‘the different Bodies of the enemy posted on the Heights and very soon put them to the Rout’, and he received a minor wound from a spent musket ball. Macquarie reflected on his experience of what he called an ‘extraordinary mode of warfare’ and noted how communication and supply route guard posts were established after the campaign in response to the fact that while ‘their Troops must now be fully sensible that they never can stand us in the Field’, the enemy could still easily cut British communications in narrow roads through mountain passes covered in dense jungle.

Western Ghats as seen from Gobichettipalayam, by Magentic Manifestations – Own work, CC BY-SA 3.0 (details)

An advantageous retreating ground

In Sydney between 1814 and 1816 an often repeated reason for the scourge of raids and attacks on outlying farms was that warriors could easily retreat into the rugged Blue Mountains after plundering farms of corn and livestock. The mountains were described by one early colonist as ‘advantageous retreating grounds’ where soldiers and armed parties could never hope to capture those responsible for these ‘depredations’.

In 1816, Macquarie and his military officers were obviously aware of this when they planned their campaign. Each detachment was to support the other and cover any warriors trying to escape into the mountains. Once the initial campaign was devised to sweep around the north, down the west and to the south of the Cumberland Plain, Macquarie added an important but often overlooked additional attachment to guard the Bathurst or Western Road.  

A map showing the extent of Macquarie’s 1816 campaign. The Sydney Wars, p 224

‘Celebrating’ the Appin Massacre

While Macquarie’s military experience should be highlighted, what of the other officers involved in the 1816 campaigns? Who else may have helped to shape Macquarie’s military thinking and planning? The officers directed to lead detachments in the campaigns also had direct military experience of campaigning in rough terrain. Captains James Wallis and William Schaw of the 46th Regiment had both served in the West Indies and campaigned in the defense of Dominica against the French in February 1805. Captain John Watts, Macquarie’s aide de camp, had served in the West Indies, firstly in the 64th Regiment, and later with the 46th Regiment in the capture of Guadeloupe from the French in 1810 and Captain John Gill (46th Regiment) probably also served in the West Indies.

There was a wealth of military experience surrounding Macquarie. Captain Henry Colden Antill, Macquarie’s Major of Brigade, served with the 73rd Regiment in India between 1798 and 1806 and earned promotion in the field during the storming of Seringapatam on 4 May 1799. And finally, Lieutenant Colonel Molle, commander of the 46th Regiment and Lieutenant Governor, certainly could have contributed to the planning of the 1816 campaign, although an increasing estrangement between Macquarie and Molle may have been at issue here.

This seating plan for a dinner party at Government House includes the senior military figures in the colony and officers involved in the 1816 campaign. It has been suggested that the dinner party may have been held to celebrate the recent safe return of the three detachments from campaigning on the Cumberland Plain – a campaign that included the massacre of 14 Aboriginal people, cutting off the heads of two and stringing their bodies from trees, and bringing women and children in as prisoners. ‘Table Plan for a Dinner Party at Government House.’ (Ca. 1815?) Macquarie Papers – Single Letters and Fragments 1801-1820 ML MSS 4199 Item 6

Macquarie researcher Robin Walsh raises other important questions about the 1816 campaign. What role did the Governor’s Secretary, ‘intimate friend and loyal supporter’ John Campbell play? Campbell was influential in shaping official policy during Macquarie’s governorship. He also had a vested interest in land near Bringelly on the fringes of the Sydney basin in 1816 with his Shancomore and Ballynashannon estates – both of which had been raided by warriors and plundered of stock and produce. Did he urge Macquarie to act? Campbell’s role in the military responses to the raids and attacks on the out-settlements in 1816 must be considered, as should his role in shaping the language of punishment by punitive expedition and any subsequent ‘reconciliation’ – his role as ‘official censor’ for the Sydney Gazette newspaper was in fact important in shaping the views of the entire colony.

The strategic significance of the Bathurst Road in Macquarie’s response to conflict with the Sydney people has been overlooked by a focus on the crossing of the Blue Mountains, the construction of the road, and the opening up of the ‘New Discovered Lands’. This teleological view of these histories has added to the erasure of the significance of Aboriginal resistance warfare in this period from broader historical memory (by non-Indigenous Australians at least).

The Gandangarra were perceived as the major threat in 1814-1816 and Macquarie almost certainly would have been aware of the similarities between this road and its’ vulnerabilities to attack in the same way that the road from the Malabar Coast to Mysore had been prior to the defeat of Tipu Sultan. The extent to which military officers in the early colony used their knowledge and experience of guerrilla warfare in places such as India and North America and adapted this to the specifics of Australian Frontier Wars, has only comparatively recently been of interest to military historians. From Captain Watkin Tench’s first use of what was to become a ubiquitous part of armed responses to Aboriginal resistance – the dawn raid – in 1790, to Macquarie’s thin red line across the Blue Mountains in 1816, there is much still to be uncovered about the impact of the British armed forces in Australia, and the significance of the threats they faced.

___

With thanks to Macquarie researcher Robin Walsh for insights into Macquarie’s military experience in India.

References

Lachlan and Elizabeth Macquarie Archive

https://www.mq.edu.au/macquarie-archive/lema/1797/1797may.html


Macquarie, Lachlan. Journal No. 3: 29 December 1794 – 27 September 1799. Mitchell Library, Sydney. ML Ref: A769 pp.225 – 260